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Sep 14, Sep 21, Sep 29, Oct 18, Nov 8, Nov 10, Dec 9, Dec 10, Dec 11, Dec 13, Carlota Moreau. Dec 14, Dec 15, Dec 16, Dec 17, Dec 18, Dec 19, Dec 20, Dec 21, Dec 22, Dec 23, Dec 24, Dec 26, Dec 27, Dec 28, Dec 29, Dec 30, Dec 31, Jan 1, Jan 2, Jan 3, Jan 4, It is somewhat suspicious that the putative curiae at Segobriga and Valeria have an internal area of ca. The curia at Capera, though with overall dimensions of This is already apparent from the ordo of 63 members at Irni, and Irni may not have been the smallest.
On the composition of the ordo decurionum at Irni, see Serrano Delgado Regarding the property qualification for decurions, evidence from Africa provides examples of twenty thousand, sixty thousand and at Carthage one hundred thousand sesterces Petit They argue that adlectio, unlike cooptatio, was a privileged form of entry to the council for those who did not meet the usual prerequisites for instance, citizens of a different town and could be used to admit persons nominated by the emperor on the basis of special merit.
Adlecti could be regular members of the ordo and proceed to hold magistracies e. Ornamenta were a lesser honour that could be given to freedmen or teenagers. Holders of ornamenta appeared among the decurions at banquets and public events such as festivals, spectacles and funerals. However, all the known examples of adlected decurions come from colonies: Italica Antonine period , Barcino, Caesaraugusta, and several at Tarraco.
For comparative information on Italian city councils, see Mouritsen ; Salway See discussion in Horstkotte On the prerequisites for local magistrates according to the Digest, see Mentxaka As Galsterer 86 points out, the similarity of Irn. This was in contrast to the situation under the Republic, when candidates for the Roman Senate must first be elected quaestor. Pliny Ep. This process had obviously changed by the Flavian period. Galsterer also p. The success rate would naturally have been lower in cities with a larger pool of decurions.
By the ius incolatus, citizens of one town were eligible or in the Late Empire, liable to serve as magistrates in another town where they were resident, while remaining citizens of their own patria. Capellianus of Damania and M. Sempronius M. The difference is that while Capito remained an incola, Capellianus became a citizen of Caesaraugusta and enrolled in another tribe, Aniensis. Lamberti deals specifically with prerequisites for office, electoral procedure and juridical competence. Most interestingly, Folcando argues that the cursus honorum or fixed order of offices e.
Prior to that time it was not required by law, though it was often followed by custom, as shown by frequent epigraphic mentions of omnibus honoribus functus. In the charters, Salp. Properly speaking, the nominative plural is duoviri, the genitive plural duumvirorum, while the singular is an artificial back-formation.
In Italy during the Augustan period, it was possible to hold the duovirate five or even eight times. After Augustus, few men held the duovirate more than twice, possibly mirroring at the municipal level the rule that only the emperor was allowed to accumulate multiple consulships.
However, another factor that may have limited the number of repeated duovirates was the requirement for a five-year interval before standing for re-election Mal. In Spain we have evidence for duovirs serving a fourth term at Iptuci in the Antonine period and possibly at Urso in the first century AD.
The Iptuci example perhaps reflects a shortage of candidates in the Antonine age, though it is dangerous to generalize from a single instance. The annual duovirs were eponymous magistrates whose names could be used, like those of the Roman consuls or Athenian archons, to date documents. Inscriptions from Baetica indicate that the duoviral year, like the consular year, began on 1 January Urs. This is in contrast to some Italian cities, such as Pompeii, where the chief magistrates entered office on 1 July.
Thus the duoviral year did not coincide with the calendar year everywhere. Occasionally inscriptions are dated both by consuls and by local magistrates. We encounter this practice already in the pre-municipal phase at Aritium Vetus, where an oath to the emperor Gaius in AD 37 is dated both by the consuls and by two local magistratus At Collippo in AD , a dedication to the deified Antoninus Pius is dated both by the consuls and by the duovirs More frequently, however, inscriptions are dated by duovirs alone e.
In one instance, a monument is dated by a single quinquennial duovir , whose honorary colleague that year was King Ptolemy. In the absence of consular dating or surviving local fasti, we cannot date these documents to an exact year. There was no Roman magistrate named Sabinus in this year, whereas M.
Minatius Sabinus would fit perfectly in BC see on Thus the theoretical five-year cycle of quinquennales may not always have been rigidly adhered to, as a result of disruptions from civil war or other factors. Bispham , demonstrating that duovirs in Italy are not attested in inscriptions earlier than the 60s BC, concludes that the duovirate does not so much replace the quattuorvirate after 49 BC, as complement it from the early 60s BC onward.
In Cisalpine and Narbonese Gaul, quattuorvirs are found in Latin colonies, duovirs in Roman colonies Gascou ; The extent to which these principles applied in Spain remains a matter of controversy. It is a curious fact that there is not a single attested example of a IIIIvir iure dicundo in Spain, even though the title is found frequently in Italy, whose cities received colonial or municipal privileges much earlier than in Spain Laffi ; Bispham , and occasionally in Gaul and eastern Europe.
Epigraphic mentions of aediles iure dicundo again, mostly from Italy and none from Spain are less frequent, though we know from the Flavian municipal law that aediles had some judicial powers. Another feature of Italian magistracies that is lacking in Spain, is quattuorviri quinquennales Bispham , though there are plenty of duoviri quinquennales in Tarraconensis. In the Flavian municipality of Ilipula Minor, L.
Flavius L. Gallus was quattuorvir and then two times duovir. Similarly at Aeso, L. Porcius L. Serenus was successively quattuorvir and duovir Both cases suggest a change of magisterial titles when the town became a municipium under the Flavians, as implied by the tribe Quirina though at Aeso we also find magistrates in the tribe Galeria. At Asido we have both a quattuorvir 14 and a duovir 16 , both dating probably to the Augustan period, which may indicate a change of titles when the town became municipium Caesarina.
A clearer case occurs at Gades, where we find a quattuorvir in the 40s BC 96 but duovirs after the city became an Augustan municipium. To the list of known municipia with quattuorvirs LMRS p. At Segobriga we find aediles as well as quattuorvirs but not duovirs , including one man who was aedile and then quattuorvir.
He suggests that the same probably applied in Clunia, where the asses bear the names of four quattuorvirs, while the semises presumably issued at the same time are issued by a pair of aediles, whose names do not coincide with those of the quattuorvirs. He notes that more than half of them date to the first century BC or the first half of the first century AD not surprisingly, since many of them are named on local coinage, which ends in the Julio-Claudian period. He finds that most of the towns with quattuorvirs were municipia, an exception being Carteia, a Latin colony.
However, as noted above, several towns had quattuorvirs in their pre-municipal phase and changed to duovirs when they became Augustan or Flavian municipia. If the four quattuorvirs at Carteia had identical status, why are only two named on the coins?
Note that at Ercavica in the reign of Caligula, the pair C. Terentius Sura and L. Licinius Gracilis are named as duovirs on some coins but as quattuorvirs on others Pellicer and Plana This reinforces the idea that duovirs are also quattuorvirs. After receipt of their charters, which did not provide for quattuorvirs, Sabora and Munigua discontinued using this title.
He begins by looking at the aediles of Rome and the expansion of the Roman administrative model in Italy. He then examines in detail the aediles of Spain, their functions and their place in the cursus honorum. The study concludes with a prosopographical catalogue of Spanish aediles. However, he argues that while indigenous towns were beginning to adopt Latin titulature such as that the aedileship, this does not mean that they had adopted the institutional functions of a Roman city, given that they still lacked privileged status and were not obliged to make their internal organization conform to Roman law.
Also, while two aediles are named on a coin of Obulco , the aediles of Acinipo 5 and Baelo 28 appear alone, suggesting that the principle of collegiality had not yet been adopted. Certainly there is no indication that the function of these early aediles included the traditional ones of cura urbis, ludi and annona. The role of an aedile, in synergy with a decemvir, in constructing a city gate in 49 BC was not connected to the functions of his office, since this was an act of euergetism at their own expense.
In towns where both aediles and duovirs issued coins, the fact that the duovirs or quattuorvirs, e. However, since Carteia had been a Latin colony since BC, Ortiz de Urbina sees the quaestor, aedile or censor as forming part of the magistracies of the colonial foundation though without explaining why there is only one.
Cf the single aedile who works in synergy with the decemvir maximus at Ulia. The absence of quaestors in some communities, such as the Baetican colonies, is possibly explicable by a decline in the importance of that magistracy. In Republican Italy, the quaestorship was a prestigious office whose competence was not limited to the financial sphere.
In some places, quaestors were in charge of the annona e. Indeed, the gradual increase in the number of quaestors at Rome from two to twenty albeit for purposes beyond the needs of other cities offered a model of enhanced importance of the quaestorship, which for some reason was not emulated elsewhere.
One can only conclude that the finances of the new colonies were not considered sufficiently complex to justify a separate magistracy. The remark by Strabo 4. What is really surpising is not the paucity of quaestors in colonies, but the total absence of quaestors in career inscriptions from Baetican municipia, given that this magistracy is prescribed in the municipal charters from that province. As a junior magistracy, the quaestorship was perhaps not considered important enough to mention in the inscriptions of those who went on to become aediles and duovirs; even the aedileship is often omitted in these inscriptions.
Also, the role of quaestors in tax collection, analogous to the hated publicani, may have made this an undesirable office to advertise. Nevertheless, there are numerous quaestors attested in Tarraconensis, as well as a few in Lusitania , , Apart from analogy with magistrates at Rome, we have the Flavian Municipal Law where the chapter on quaestors follows those on duovirs and aediles , and the positioning of quaestoricii ex-quaestors between aedilicii and pedani ordinary decurions in the album of Canusium.
It is therefore curious that the quaestorship is listed after the aedileship and duovirate at Emporiae and Saguntum, while at Tarraco it regularly appears between these two offices. However, they argue that the importance of holding this munus as a stepping stone to higher office is demonstrated by the fact that nearly all the quaestors of Tarraco progressed into the equestrian order.
On quaestors in Italy, see Petraccia Lucernoni On curatores rei publicae in Italy, see Camodeca Their appointment was on an honorific basis only, and their local duties were performed by praefecti. Germanicus and Drusus Minor, in the time of Augustus, were jointly given honorary duovirates by Acci RPC and honorary quattuorvirates by Carteia There is insufficient evidence to prove that this was always the case.
At a less elevated level, honorary magistracies honores aedilicii, honores duovirales could be awarded to persons who did not qualify for regular magistracies, such as non-residents, freedmen, and deceased persons , , 8, , , , For a more controversial case, see Lesser honours, which could be awarded to children or freedmen, included ornamenta aedilicia , ornamenta duoviralia and ornamenta decurionatus 13, , The magistratus would be the leaders of the towns, which already had civic institutions, while the principes would be the heads of outlying chiefdoms that were not yet urbanized Lefebvre The triads of magistrates on some coins of Castulo, two names on one side and one on the other , , ; , , ; , and C.
Only two magistrates, presumably duovirs, appear on other issues of Castulo in the same period. Cf, during the imperial period but in unprivileged settlements, the three apparent magistrates at Amallobriga and Maggav i a However, these are not all magistrates: the libertine quinquevirs at Interamnia and Truentum may be a sacerdotal college, while the freeborn quinquevirs at Assisi were special commissioners appointed by the local senate and quattuorvirs for the renovation of public construction Letta 55, It remains unclear whether quinqueviri, octoviri and decemviri are regular magistrates in some towns inspired either by Italian models or indigenous tradition , or special commissions appointed for a particular purpose.
While it cannot be proved that the decemvirs were civic officials rather than a college of priests with the decemvir maximus perhaps analogous to the pontifex maximus at Rome , their activities, such as construction of a gate at Sabetum and erecting statues to the emperor or his son at Cartima 71 and Ostippo imply a secular office.
The overwhelming majority of these display tria nomina and in many cases a voting tribe, indicative of Roman citizenship, yet the surviving charters make no reference to grants of Roman citizenship except to magistrates. An alternative interpretation, offered by Delgado Delgado 59; is that the prior exercise of a magistracy was not a formal requirement for appointment as priest of the Imperial cult, but was an important consideration.
Since nothing in the surviving colonial or municipal laws stipulates magistracy as a prerequisite for priesthood, all we can say for certain is that a large proportion of municipal pontifices and flamines had already held magistracies, and that this was therefore a common career pattern. The surviving chapters of the Flavian Municipal Law say nothing about priesthoods. Religious matters were presumably dealt with in the lost chapters at the beginning of the document; cf Scheid Provisions for pontifices and augurs in a Republican colony are made in Urs.
Cf discussion in Castillo and Delgado Delgado 61 , though Castillo wrongly supposes that local pontifices, like those at Rome, held office for life. At Asturica Augusta this romanization had apparently not yet occurred when two magistratus made a dedication to the god Vagodonnaegus.
On magistrates and the Imperial cult, see Morawiecki On local and provincial priests in Lusitania, see Delgado Delgado On provincial flamines in Baetica, see Castillo This is especially evident in the career inscriptions of the flamines provinciae Hispaniae citerioris, many of whom held omnes honores in their home towns.
On the Salii of Saguntum, a priesthood found in no other provincial city, which may have been introduced during the prinicipate of Augustus, see Delgado Delgado Palao considers it would have been easier for retired centurions to gain admittance to the decurial order in a city like Barcino, where the requirements were probably less stringent and the competition less fierce, than in the provincial capital.
Local magistrates figure in both groups. This is a healthy corrective to the widespread assumption that all praefecti fabrum were members of the equestrian order. Rather, the position of praefectus fabrum — in effect an adjutant or aide-de-camp to a Roman magistrate or provincial governor — was a stepping stone that might but did not always lead to equestrian rank.
Moreover, only 2 of the 8 praefecti fabrum attested in Baetica, and only 1 of the 5 in Lusitania, held any military post at all. Duties of magistrates: The extent to which the government of Republican Rome, or the provincial governors, ordered or permitted the issue of coinage by local magistrates, remains an unresolved question due to lack of evidence.
On the role of local magistrates in public construction, see Goffaux These epigraphic attestations represent only a small portion of the many activities requiring decurial intervention, as prescribed in the charters. The beginning of Irn. Presumably, as in the chapter on aediles, it assigned them jurisdictional competence in civil suits up to 1, sesterces.
Possibly also it gave them responsibility to conduct a periodic local census as suggested by Lebek , though this is uncertain. At Malaca, according to one interpretation of Mal. However, the fines prescribed in Urs. Since it can hardly be supposed that all these required the involvement of the provincial governor, Johnston argues that the jurisdiction of the duovirs in actions involving fines must have been much higher than in private cases.
This assumption is consistent with Irn. Quinquennales are not attested at all in the senatorial provinces of Baetica and Lusitania, and in Tarraconensis they are found only in coloniae, not municipia. About two-thirds of the attested examples are from Carthago Nova, and the vast majority are of Augustan date. From mentions of quinquennales censoria potestate in inscriptions from Italy it is commonly assumed that quinquennales fulfilled functions analogous to those of the Roman censors, namely revising the list of local senators album decurionum , updating the list of citizens in the community, and conducting the local census Salway ; Haeck , with references to earlier literature.
Cf Festus De verb. Ferrary has shown, based on Pliny Ep. A similar procedure must have been used by the quinquennales at Irni to keep the number of decurions at The reason for ascribing to the aediles judicial powers similar to those of the duovirs Irn. Since the duties of aediles included supervision of markets, weights and measures Irn. Many Spanish towns are listed by the elder Pliny as stipendiaria, payers of stipendia.
During the Second Punic War, stipendia meant exactions of provisions and pay for Roman troops serving in Spain, but it subsequently took the form of taxes that the Romans demanded in cash and in kind from Spanish communities. It has long been considered that provincial cities under the Principate were responsible for the collection of tribute e. Josephus BJ There is no reason to suppose that the transition from stipendiary town to municipium entailed any reduction in the taxes due to Rome.
Chapter 20 of the Flavian Municipal Law gives quaestors responsibility for collecting the pecunia communis of the municipality. On the other hand, the Digest makes clear that the burden of collecting tribute rests on the individual city, and in particular the decurions: Dig. Moreover, Apuleius Apol. On the various purposes of known Spanish legationes, and their role in communication between provincial cities and Rome, see Torregaray Pagola Note that legati already existed in peregrine communities, as we see from hospitality tablets as well as mention in Bell.
Social status: - free-born vs. She argues that the oppida civium Romanorum founded by Julius Caesar were municipia Romana, and that he gave Latin status only to Latin colonies, whereas the association of ius Latii with municipal status, and consequently the foundation of municipia Latina, belongs to the Augustan period.
This re-opens the old question — which has implications for the beginning of local magistracies and the granting of Roman citizenship to magistrates — of whether municipia and colonies with the cognomen Iulia or Iulium were founded by Caesar between 49 and 44 BC, or by Octavian known officially as C.
Iulius divi f. Caesar between 44 and 27, when he became Augustus. Thus for instance in the municipium of Olisipo Felicitas Iulia and the colony of Pax Iulia, both in Lusitania, the prominence of the voting tribe Galeria suggests a founding by Octavian. But the situation is complicated by the renaming of some towns — e. Gades, which was an oppidum sc. Carteia was earlier a Latin colony, while Emporiae was previously an Iberian and Greek settlement.
Does this date their municipal privilege to Augustus? Yet Segobriga is in Galeria, and has quattuorvirs. According to Salp. Armani a: points out that by legal definition Dig. A problem is raised by magistrates who have Roman citizenship but use indigenous filiation, e. Antonius Paterni f. Modestus , L. Iunius Bl[andi? Maro , C. Moenius Nigrini f. Fronto , T.
Mamilius Silonis f. Praesens , C. Pullius Dionysi f. Mercurialis , and probably though no tribe is indicated C. Valerius Flavianui f. Arabinus One possibility is that the father had died before the magistrate received citizenship. Another is that the father, though now entitled to tria nomina, was better known in his community by his single name. A third possibility, since all of these officials come from the northern Meseta, is that the method used to express filiation is following indigenous naming practice.
A fourth option is that we are dealing with an abbreviated form of the full patronymic formula, e. Antonius L. Antonii Paterni f. Also interesting is M. Fidius Fidi f. Macer , bearing the relatively uncommon gentilic nomen Fidius. Is his father also a Fidius again, why no praenomen?
I omit from this list examples such as L. Iunius Iusti f. Severus and L. Iulius Anniani f. Gallus , where the tribe Galeria suggests that the town in question received municipal rights in the pre-Flavian period, and it is uncertain whether these rights included citizenship for the father.
In new municipia the decurions would have the status of Latin citizens, but would acquire Roman citizenship upon becoming magistrates. More difficult to document is citizenship in the individual community.
There can be little doubt that magistrates must be citizens of their own town, and when someone from another place was chosen as magistrate, he would be given local citizenship e. What is unclear is whether decurions also had to be local citizens. Since the term domicilium is associated in legal sources Dig.
The number of slaves so assigned would presumably be determined by the decurions. For Italian parallels, cf Forbis On the occasional failure of decurions and local magistrates to indicate their rank on inscriptions, see Melchor Gil b.
This observation helps explain why so many more duovirs are attested than aediles or quaestors cf LMRS Table 1. The fact that these magistrates mention the quaestorship may be irrelevant, since this seems to have been a post-duoviral office at Tarraco. It was the exercise of magistracies and priesthoods that was really considered worthy advertising in epigraphy.
However, we do not know how many decurions held no magistracies. While Galsterer calculates that three-quarters of the decurions at Irni would have become duovirs, the success rate would inevitably have been lower in cities with a large ordo decurionum. None the less, they played a role in honouring and glorifying the image of the particular family or ordo decurionum. On minors as decurions and magistrates, see Wiedemann ; Laes Romanization: D.
This is a question of semantics, but in any case does not apply to local magistrates, who were Roman citizens. Those provincials who did not know, or care to know, a word of Latin have not left memorials. At the other extreme, those provincials who were thoroughly romanized are often impossible to distinguish from Italian immigrants.
Also noteworthy are the rare nomina Herius, Blattius and Trahius at Italica , Castillo determines that the Acilii are abundant in Latium, Campania and Etruria, areas of Italian emigration to Spain. The earliest attested member of this family in Spain is M. Acilius of Saguntum in the early first century BC.
Padilla Monge finds many Italian immigrants among Baetican local magistrates, but also, especially at Corduba, Asido and Tucci, a considerable indigenous element. Pena points out that, in contrast to the Italian names borne by coining magistrates at Carteia and Emporiae, the monetal magistrates of Saguntum have purely Roman names, suggestive of romanized indigenes rather than immigrants from Italy.
He posits a connection with other Granii on the east coast, including several local magistrates , , , and particularly with a native of another city in the Ebro valley, C. He suggests that the Granii would have arrived on the east coast as settlers during the Late Republic. The indigenous name could be combined with filiation, such as Binsnes Vercellonis f. As a preliminary stage of romanization, we occasionally find the use of a Latin praenomen in front of the indigenous name, e.
Curman us? Some early coining magistrates are known by Latin praenomen alone, e. Tiberius and Lucius at Emporiae, both written in Iberian script. The bare praenomen is sometimes followed by filiation, e. While the use of praenomen alone seems an inadequate form of nomenclature, it was a logical transition to Latinity from the single indigenous name used previously. Next we get the combination of Latin praenomen with either Latin nomen or Latin cognomen.
Finally, often in concert with a grant of Roman citizenship, we encounter coining magistates with tria nomina. However, even tria nomina could include a non-Latin element, such as P. Terentius Bodo This seems evident in the collegial pair C. The absence of local notables named Flavius or Aelius reflects the antiquity of Iliberris as a privileged town; its tribe Galeria suggests it was a municipium by the time of Augustus.
Pina Polo ; rejects the assumption that Spaniards bearing such nomina gentilicia as Porcius, Sempronius and Pompeius are descended from clients of Republican governors like Cato, Gracchus and Pompey. For instance, Spanish Porcii can hardly trace their origin to the clientela of Cato, who was in Spain only a few months, and whose concern was conquering the Spaniards, not befriending them; and the example of L.
Cornelius Balbus, who was enfranchised by Pompey, shows that clients of Pompey were not necessarily called Pompeius. Similarly the inhabitants of Gades, to whom Caesar gave Roman citizenship, did not all take the gentilic name Iulius. In any event, clients were attached to the individual, not to the gens; there were no gentilic clientelae.
Thus the numerous magistrates with the same nomina as Republican governors should not be seen as connected by clientage to senatorial families. The voting tribes assigned to privileged communities are studied by Stylow , who rejects the notion that Sergia could be Augustan or Quirina could be pre-Flavian.
The colonies where both Sergia and Galeria are attested Tarraco, Carthago Nova, Libisosa, Scallabis, Metellinum, Tucci, Corduba, Urso, Hispalis may have been the recipients of two veteran settlements, the first under Caesar and the second under Augustus. Colonies enrolled in Galeria but bearing the title Iulia rather than Augusta Itucci, Ucubi, Pax Iulia, Scallabis, Tarraco were presumably founded before 27 BC when Octavian received the title Augustus , perhaps as part of the mass discharge of veterans after Actium.
For a more recent study of the voting tribes in the province of Tarraconensis, see Fasolini Melchor Gil a shows that Corduba was a centre of attraction for members of local aristocracies who moved to Corduba to culminate their public careers, in some cases becoming local magistrates in the provincial capital. The evidence from Emerita is less clear. It may seem odd that a citizen of one town could also hold the duovirate the highest political office in another town where he was only an incola.
This phenomenon is explained by the ius incolatus: a man who became resident in another town would, while remaining a citizen of his own patria, be liable for munera in the new town Dig. This is not an infallible criterion, since L. Appuleius Saturninus, tribune in and BC. Moreover, if Fulvia Honorata is the wife of the duovir L. Land was a safe investment in the long term, despite variability in annual crop yields; commerce involved greater risk notably shipwreck yet potentially brought higher profits.
Obvious examples would be the fish-salting industry in coastal cities of Lusitania and Baetica, and shipping from major seaports like Olisipo, Gades and Carthago Nova. However, there are sources of wealth that would not appear in inscriptions, such as money-lending, land rentals, or sale of slaves. It should also be noted that, since only Roman citizens could legally be contractors conductores , local magistrates who received citizenship per honorem could have held lucrative contracts in mining and other enterprises.
Baebius Tamphilus praetor in Hispania Citerior BC , may have been Italian emigrants attracted to the east coast by the possibility of rapid enrichment from mineral exploitation. But since we now know particularly since the down-dating of from to BC that these magistrates date to the period following the Social War, when all Italians were given Roman citizenship, it is curious that several of them belong to the tribe Galeria, which in Spain usually denotes a citizenship grant under the Julio-Claudians.
They might, however, be descended from non-citizens who emigrated from Italy prior to 90 BC. Notably, there are no Baebii attested on the lead ingots from Carthago Nova. The Baebii are also prominent among the Augustan coining magistrates of Calagurris , , Production gradually declined in the second century as civic construction dwindled. On possible involvement of local magistrates in quarrying activity, see below on Iuventius Albinus of Axati is the amphora producer of the same name see below on It is less certain that L.
Aelius Aelianus of Naeva is identical to the oil merchant L. Aelius Aelianus or the estate owner Aelius Aelianus see below on , as the name is not a rare one. Clo dius Ma rtialis on at least four sites in the ager Tarraconensis see below on suggests the involvement of a wealthy local magistrate in wine production. However, there is no evidence that these are local magistrates.
His relative T. Mamilius Martialis, attested at Saguntum, was probably involved in the commercialization of this pottery. Ulpius Rufus, who was from the same? Tritium and was adlected as a decurion at Emerita , may also have been involved in the merchandizing of sigillata. On rural properties owned by local magistrates, see Melchor Gil c; The evidence consists of inscriptions statue bases, epitaphs of magistrates found on rural sites, predominantly in Baetica and on the east coast, which are presumed to be their farming estates.
Marcius Proculus from Sucaelo 92 , L. Postumius Superstes from Cisimbrium owned property in their city of origin, rather than at Corduba where they held office. Villa estates served as areas for display of status by the magistrates who owned them, as seen not only in lavish decor but sometimes in the construction of monumental tombs commemorating the owners and their families, or in statues such as those attested by the statue bases of C. Marius Aemilianus at the Torre Llauder villa and of P.
Aelius U[rsu]s at a farm near Aurgi Melchor Gil, a: Epitaphs found on the site of Roman villas include that of L. Aemilius at Quart de les Valls, 7 km north of Saguntum, where he held all offices. Melchor Gil a: provides a useful list of other magistrates buried on rural properties several kilometres outside their respective cities.
For summae honorariae and ob honorem donations to cities, see Melchor Gil c; a. Donations of public works by magistrates range in date from the 1st century BC to the 2nd century AD. Late Empire: For an unsuccessful attempt by the curials of Emerita in the late 4th c. On local magistrates and curials in Spain during the Late Antique period 4th-7th centuries , see Curchin ; b.
On the end of local magistrates in the empire generally, see Curchin a. These are presented in the following three sections: revisions to the corpus of local magistrates using the numbering in the LMRS catalogue ; new magistrates continuing the numbering in LMRS ; and spurious magistrates.
For ease of reference, the name of each magistrate appears in parentheses after the LMRS catalogue number. A horizontal line, thus, through all or part of the name means either that the reading has changed, or that the entry should be deleted; the new reading, or reason for the deletion, is given immediately after. Underlined letters indicate a ligature two or more characters joined together , e.
New inscriptions are indicated as such. LMRS is not a treatise on paleo-Hispanic languages. Names of magistrates in indigenous script are presented in an orthography intelligible to the non-specialist reader, e. Balcacaldur, not ba. Aelius L. Herennius M. See Arunda 12 L. Iunius L. Egnatius Sciti lib. Fabius L. Silo - [PHR no. Manlius Cn. But since tribunus cohortis praetoriae is listed before praefectus cohortium, the offices appear to be in reverse order, which means the municipal posts preceded the equestrian ones.
However, Demougin argues that this career dates to the Augustan period, when the equestrian cursus had not yet been standardized; therefore Manlius could have been tribune before prefect. It is unusual, and perhaps attributable to the early date as suggested by his lack of cognomen , that the Astigi inscription does not give the numeral of the praetorian cohort. Cosconius L. The nomen Bercius is a hapax, but cf Bergius Sempronius C.
Sempronianus - C. Valerius M. Iuventius C. This appears to be a rare exception to the rule that the producer of amphoras was not the same as the person who traded them. However, given the long duration of these amphora stamps, there could have been more than one C. Iuventius Albinus, perhaps father and son Berni Millet Pupius Q. Urbicus - [Bonneville et al. Fabius Gal. Caesianus - [HEp 15, ] 31 C.
Cervius Quir. Fabius P. Fabius Q. Rufus, C. Terentius P. Pomponius Quir. Attius Quir. Vetto - The name of the town has been a matter of dispute. Both inscriptions are now lost, but the extant Eph. Therefore the name of the town should be Canania. Boscs-Plateaux argues that his family was of of local origin, his grandfather receiving the citizenship probably at the time of the foundation of the municipium around AD 4, and that the inscription dates to approximately the Flavian period.
Fonteius C. Dates shown should therefore be considered approximate. Curman - C. Curman us - q uaestor ; BC. Faria assumes two quaestors, C. An nius , in which case the former might be Cur ius or Cur vius ; cf Cur[ius] - or Cur vius ; 80 BC. The name could also be Numerius or Num m ius; cf Ninius - q uaestor ; BC. Opsil ius - magistrate; BC. Latin nomen e. Vibius - 65? Arg entarius ; 90 BC. An unpublished variant mentioned in DCP I n.
Presumably related to M. Maius C. Attribution to Carteia is doubtful. Falcidius - rather, P. Nucia - Nucia nus? Minius Q. Minius C. Curvius C. Rusticus - probably a descendant of 49 [Padilla Monge ] Ceret See also Titius L. Cisimbrium See also Valerius C. Donated a forum, shrines, and statues of the gods and of himself.
Annius Quir. Iulius L. Honoured by the decurions of Segida. Ojeda Torres thinks he was provincial procurator, perhaps but not necessarily correctly CIL. Melchor Gil a: sees a possible connection with L. Mercello, an Italian mentioned in B. This is possibly confirmed by the quarry marks M. Cinna - [-. His praenomen is uncertain, since it is unclear whether Fulcinia L. Manlius A. Possibly of African origin; cf Sall.
Manlius sent as envoy to King Bocchus of Mauritania. Valerius Poenus, L. Their names are used to date an inscription on a sheet of lead recording a lease of beehives. Iulius M. Lucretius Marianus - AD Lucreti Mariani et Q. Vibius Laetus - IIvir, curat or [rei publicae? Marcius Gal. Iunius P. Epora See also Cornelius P.
Antonius Q. Antonius M. Buried at Asido. Blatius L. Ventinus - The two legions in which he served formed part of the army in Spain until about 17 BC, when legio V Alauda was transferred to Germany. As Demougin points out, Blatius would have been a native of Hispalis who returned home to become a magistrate after military service.
A date under Augustus or, at latest, Tiberius is therefore probable. Blatius, received Roman citizenship under Caesar. Horatius L. Pomponius Clemens Serg. Iunius Quir. Vibius L. Aelius M. Galerius L. Curiatius Quir. Coi; awarded ornamenta by the ordo. The location of Ilipula Laus is unknown. Coin from Ilipula Halos, apparently in conv. Hispalensis since it imitates an issue of Carmo. From Ilipula Minor, municipium Flavium conv. For another magistrate of Ilipula Minor see Callicus - Gallicus; ca mid-2nd century CIL.
The statue was dedicated not to his mother, but to the goddess Stata Mater, in a villa near Iliberris. Annius Seneca, Q. The name Abitus is possibly a variant spelling of Habitus or Avitus Kajanto, Cognomina , but cf Porcius Quir. Trebecius Lucanus, C. Attius Severus, L. Terentius A. Herius L. Since Augustus is not called Divus, Delgado dates them to the Augustan period and believes they were engaged in the cult of the living emperor.
On the rare name Herius, cf. Blattius L. Raius L. Plebeiius - Father: L. Raius Plebeius. Raius at Carteia Caecilianus - Probably first half of 2nd century AD. Canto thinks he may be the duovir M. Cassius Caecilianus Cassius Serg. Caecilianus - Probably first half of 2nd c. Agrius Rupus Silonis f. Sentius M. Lucretius Q.
Pompeius Q. Pompeius Cn. Mummius L. Stabilis - perhaps Si[lonis f. Attius L. Irthi - delete. Mellaria C. Annius C. Cordubensis See Munigua See also Lucceius L. Octavius M. Silvanus - [Curchin a: ; and see ] L. Servilius L. Pollio - possibly related to the olive oil producer L. Haley Rather it appears that L. Pollio was magistrate at Carmo, where he was buried and where his wife appears to have had relatives.
Caesar for whom Pollio was prefect would have been Gaius, grandson of Augustus, who died in AD 4, rather than Caligula. Quintius L. Rufinus - apparently related to the provincial flaminica Quintia M. Aemilius T. Pudens - rather L.
Aemilius L. Aelius Quir. Aelianus - Held spectacula after donating statues in the porticoes of the forum? Ael iorum? On the Vindolanda find and its implications see Carreras Monfort and Lupati unpaginated. On Urc- names, cf Villar Fear 59 thinks Iscer. For his colleague, see below Turdetanian name in Latin alphabet Correa b: On the possibility of Conip r?
I prefer to see Conip r? Aemilius, M. Cornelius C. In his will he provided for equestrian statues to be set up to himself and his father, and a statue on foot to his mother. Mento Man Pullinus - pontifex Aug usti , not aug ur ; A. Pyramus - see now Obulcula conv. Astigitanus See Onuba See also Aelius, Q. Presumably P. Terentius is the chief magistrate, with an unspecified number of colleagues, who are not named on the coin for reasons of space [see ] Osqua C.
Licinius C. Caesius L. Cornelius Q. Cordubensis See below, Ostippo Q. Larius L. Astigitanus See below on Sabora See also Cornelius Severus, M. Acilius L. Marcius L. Astigitanus, not Hispalensis. Varinius Fidus - The cognomen must be corrected to Pietas. The findspot of the inscription, Los Santos de Maimona prov. Servilius Cn. For a doubtful magistrate, see above on Torre de Albolafia Iulius Q.
Iulius C. Scaena - L. Mummius Serg. Cornelius L. Iulius T. Mummius P. Ursus, M. Aemilius M. Fronto - The tribe Galeria shows that these are the representatives of Ugia, not of Emerita.
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