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Historian Ramesh Chandra Majumder mentions that, during a certain production of the play, some spectators were so overpowered by the spectacle of torture unleashed on Bengali peasants by European Planters that they threw shoes at the poor actor on the stage. Five-hundred copies of the play in English translation were sent to British Parliamentarians requesting an intervention. Nil Darpan led to the surge of a series of darpan or mirror plays viz. Cha-kar Darpan, Jel Darpan and Jamidar Darpan that exposed the corruption and exploitation of the subaltern classes by the ruling elites.

This chapter highlights the proto-nationalist concerns of the Bengali proscenium theatre during the last hundred years of colonial rule in Bengal. The politics of linguistic nationalism that cropped up in independent India has its genesis in the language politics in the nineteenth-century British India. When cultural nationalism gained precedence over civic nationalism, the conflict between Hindu-Muslim identities became synonymous with the Hindi-Urdu identity.

With the British East India Company taking control over Indian provinces, the Persian language of Mughal court was gradually replaced by English as the language of governance. As Persian lost its official status, it also started losing its appeal as a cosmopolitan linguistic-literary culture. While Persian was the most favoured language of official correspondence during the Mughal period and even prior to that, Urdu thrived outside the court as one of the commonly used vernaculars among the lay population of north India.

Variously referred to as Hindavi, Hindi, Rekhta and Dehlavi across north India, there was also a strong tradition of Urdu as Dakhani or Deccani towards the south during the Mughal period. The revolt of leading to the complete ouster of Persian from official favour shifted the balance of power towards Urdu as the most preferred vernacular amongst the emergent elites in Punjab, North Western Provinces and Oudh, and Bihar in the immediate post-revolt years.

The dominance of Urdu continued well into the second decade of the twentieth century when certain pro-Hindu political developments vis-a-vis the freedom struggle under the Congress leadership led to the espousal of the cause of Hindi as the medium of official instruction.

The setting-up of the Muslim League and the demand for a separate Muslim electorate soon to be transformed into the demand for a separate nation saw Urdu being gradually earmarked as the prime signifier and component of a new Muslim identity. Besides exploring the interventions made the colonial ruling machinery and its attendant ideologies, the chapter also delves deep into the trends of literary production in Urdu between and by looking at specific works composed during the period.

The chapter interrogates other possible reasons that led to its gradual displacement of Urdu from the centre of the linguistic geography of India. The chapter argues that apart from geographical spaces, the spaces in the hearts and minds of people are also important for a nation to flourish. However, the trauma that has been excited by the horrors of partition leaves a fresh message for humankind through the genre of partition fiction.

Neither of the two or none of the three nations that were created nor the world at large learnt the right lessons from the most tragic event that took place in the mid-twentieth century. It is in this backdrop that Sharma explores some short stories in translation from the three nations, namely Bangladesh, Pakistan and India within the rubrics of New Historicism.

The chapter problematises the motherland and mother-tongue relation. This chapter interrogates the terrain of Motherland and Mother-Tongue in the context of India regarding their iconographic representations as well as the history of such representations. A Motherland imagination often overlaps with Mother Tongue imagination, and both are linked intricately. Thus, an icon such as Tamilttay Mother Tamil is as much of a representation of the land of Tamils as it is the presentation of the language.

The authors argue that the image of Bharat Mata cannot afford this much prevalent duality, as it represents a mass that is largely multilingual. The chapter discusses the parallels, differences and complexities of such figures and their narratives historically, with a focus on their linguistic associations.

The chapter delves into such conflicts while also looking into the politics and ideological manoeuvring of language s around the emergence and resurgence of such mother icons. Sebastian argues that, as nationalist propaganda was at its highest after India gained independence from British imperialism, the state tried to instil nationalism in the hearts of the fragmented, multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-lingual people of the country to unify them as Indians.

To affect this, cinema, television, books and articles, both fictional and non-fictional, were used as vehicles to invoke nationalist sentiment among the populace. The already established cultural image of the nation of Bharat Mata was furthered through such cultural productions. The state took measures to instil nationalism among children as well through textbooks, storybooks and comic books. One way of invoking nationalist sentiment was to invoke the glory of a pre-colonial Indian society, which is the way the comic Chandamama tried to instil nationalism among Indian children.

This chapter explores how Chandamama presents a glorified version of a pre-colonial Indian society. The analysis also examines what communities Chandamama included and excluded in its portrayal of a pre-colonial, glorious Indian society. As scholars have pointed out, post-colonial India faced numerous challenges in the construction of nation. The chapter engages with the larger political and other realities of post-colonial India and the emergence of nationalism as a divisive problem after the vehement rise of the Hindutva ideology.

The chapter delves deeply into the unprecedented growth of Hindu nationalism in India in the new millennium and the resultant increasing disharmony between the Hindus and the Minority Others, especially Muslims, through analysis of the novel. Chapters 10 and 11 deal with the queer community and their positioning within the nation-state. By invoking the constitutional rights and the spirit of the Preamble to the Constitution of India that assures equality and dignity for each citizen within a non-discriminatory Indian society, Roy exposes the numerous psycho-social challenges facing the queer community who are treated as social pariah.

Roy argues that the queer community is neither considered a part of mainstream Indian society, nor has their socio-political space been able to take full shape in response to dominant ideas of nation-building and nationhood. A breathing space in the legal gaze of the country by decriminalising queer people has occurred through the reading down of Section of IPC on September 6, , but this action has not brought about much social transformation.

Moreover, that such people have declared themselves transgender raises vital questions: Does the socio-political scenario create space for transgender people? If it does, then what about other members of the queer community? Or is there a deep, embedded politics within the queer community occupying spaces, one over the other? Why is it so unacceptable for the queer community to be part of mainstream politics in India?

Can this community become an effective part in nation-building? With these subtle and nuanced questions, the chapter evaluates the politics of the queer community by probing deep into the community-building capabilities of this sexual minority of India. Bhowmik argues that this involves not only the creation of separate state boundaries for queers but is also envisioned around the rejection of borders.

The chapter argues that the very idea of binaries characterising sexuality and gender, which have sustained heteronormative boundaries of nationhood, have propelled the formation of a queer nation that does not identify with the existing modular structures of nationhood and citizenship but rather has emerged as an idea of difference imagined around conditions of queer sexualities. Chapters 12 and 13 deal with the idea of nationalism from the perspective of Northeast India.

Hazarika upheld a humanitarian sympathy for humankind that foreshadowed the sub-nationalist tendencies of the region he represented. Such belligerent groups with regionalist and separatist tendencies are considered as opposite binaries to the nation-state. The contemporary political discourses, while exploring such tendencies, often articulate them as micro-nationalist, sub-nationalist or ethno-nationalist assertions.

Following colonial ethnographic methods, a number of scholars have read them as a politics of identity detrimental to the larger national integrity of the Indian state. However, a genre of literary works by native intellectuals, poets and lyricists mainly in vernacular languages also reveals a common sphere shared by communities despite their cultural differences. While emphasising this common sphere, natural landscape, environment and unique ecosystems become emotive symbols to signify certain collective identities.

Bhupen Hazarika, the most popular cultural icon of Assam, is also well-known in the pan-Indian cultural landscape for his public intellectual expression through music and lyrical narratives using the mighty river Brahamaputra in many songs as a metaphor to symbolise Assamese nationalism.

His engagement with the Northeast Indian ecological imagination takes the shape of a nationalistic narrative of Assam in general and trans-Brahamaputra valley in particular. He had firm faith in the power of the nation-state, but at the same time was quite conscious of the existence of the distinct identities of the smaller communities considered ethnic or tribal.

This chapter presents a sharp contrast to the previous chapter as it shows how a compartmentalised idea of sub-nationalism can jeopardise the citizen of a nation-state within a region aspiring for separate identity. The duality persists at the practical level. People suddenly find that issues like territorial self-control and ethnic sentiment are at stake in a globalised world that tends to erase variety and difference.

Chiefly because of unchecked immigration from neighbouring Bangladesh, a post-partitioned and post-colonial nation, the demography has shifted, leading to issues of employment, economics and identity. Although a fictional account, the novel draws attention to these concerns in a convincing way. Chapter 13 shows how the interplay of ethnicity, ethnic homeland and territorial self-control are linked to sweeping accounts of nationalism and globalisation. Chapter 14, the final in the volume, by Debajyoti Biswas goes into greater historical detail about the rise of Indian nationalism along with Hindu nationalism and Muslim nationalism.

This concluding chapter also synthesises perspectives presented in preceding chapters by analysing the various points of departure among contributors. The chapter analyses how European nationalism had influenced Indian nationalism only partially and how the inception of modern science and education caused a historic rupture, thereby triggering specific problems in Indian nationalism.

Biswas concludes the chapter by returning to the opening remark by Tagore about nationalism as a menace. References Ahmed, D. Berlin: De Gruyter. Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities. New Delhi: Rawat Publications Indian reprint. Bhabha, Homi. Bhabha, 1—7. New York: Routledge.

Bose, Sugata. Chatterjee, Partha. Accessed September 15, New Delhi: Oxford University Press. New Delhi: OUP. Anandamath, or The Sacred Brotherhood. Translated by Julius J. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Das, Suranjan. Communal Riots in Bengal Delhi: Oxford University Press. Eagleton, T. After Theory.

London: Penguin Books Limited. Gellner, Ernest. Nations and Nationalism. New York: Cornell University Press. Jalal, Ayesha. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Johnson, Gordon. Greenfeld, Liah. Nationalism and the Mind: Essays on Modern Culture. Oxford: Oneworld. Habib, Irfan. New Delhi: Aleph Book Company. Hasan, Mushirul.

Accessed September 27, Hastings, Adrian. New York: Cambridge University Press. Hayes, Charlton J. Nationalism: A Religion. New York: The Macmillan Company. Hobsbawm, Eric J. Nations and Nationalism since New Delhi: Cambridge University Press. Iqbal, Muhammad. The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Kamenka, Eugene. Nationalism: The Nature and Evolution of an Idea. Canberra: Australian University Press. Kohn, Hans. Krieger Publishing Company.

Madani, Maulana Husain Ahmad. New Delhi: Aleph. Nehru, Jawaharlal. The Discovery of India. New Delhi: Penguin. Noorani, A. Pandit, R. New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi. Punyani, Ram. Indian Nationalism versus Hindu Nationalism. New Delhi: Pharos. Hindi Nationalism. New Delhi: Orient Longman. Renan, Ernest. And Other Political Writing. Translated by M. Giglioli, — Sevea, Iqbal Singh.

The Political Philosophy of Muhammad Iqbal. Smith, Anthony D. Nationalism and Modernism. Tagore, Rabindranath. New Delhi: Finger Print Classics. Tharoor, Shashi. Curiously, these self-proclaimed devotees of Shivaji do not form a homogenous group. Left-wing and right-wing politicians, Liberals, Nationalists and various caste groups all have invoked this legendary figure now and then to solicit mass support.

This has led to the emergence of conflicting representations of the king. This chapter focuses on one of these, namely, the representation of Shivaji as one of the founders and champions of Hindu nationalism. Though originating in remoter times, the portrayal of Shivaji as a Hindu nationalist gained widespread popularity owing to the efforts of nationalist politicians like Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak and V.

Savarkar and nationalist historians such as V. While contesting representations of Shivaji as a secular or even an anti-mainstream Hindu monarch are also available, this image of the king still finds greater acceptance in both Maharashtra and wider India. Uniquely, the anti-colonial nationalists were neither the first nor the only ones to represent Shivaji in this manner. Even before them, a British colonial author represented him as the champion of Hindu nationalism in an English novel.

It demonstrates that the politicisation of Shivaji began long before Indian or Hindu nationalism took a concrete shape. This chapter thus reveals that a more balanced view of the subject is required than that is available at present. DOI: Hindu nationalism is dependent upon Hindu identity, which in turn has Hindu religion as its basis. In order to understand Hindu nationalism, it is essential to understand how Hindu identity has been constructed. Many contemporary academics argue that Hinduism does not actually exist as a religion.

They assert that what one calls Hinduism is basically a conglomeration of diverse beliefs and practices. Some scholars go further to believe that Hinduism is a colonial construction, first imagined and invented by British scholars and colonial administrators in the nineteenth century. It has long been admitted that the very concept of nation is Western in origin and was grafted in India by the British.

While Hindu identity may have first developed in opposition to Muslim identity, Hindu nationalism developed in opposition to British nationalism. What is problematic in this context is the conflation of religious identity and nationhood. As the Hindu nationalists see it, the Hindus were the original inhabitants of the subcontinent and the Christians and the Muslims were foreign invaders who forcibly established themselves on Indian soil.

Thus, religious identities are essentialised. Moreover, Hindu unity is imagined in a way that is historically anachronistic. Of course, this idea was originally a colonial invention that sought to present the Hindus and the Muslims as two distinct and mutually hostile, ethno-religious groups. One finds this idea manifesting in many colonial writings, including those by Taylor.

It even occurs in Tara where he presents the struggle between the Marathas and the Bijapur Sultanate as a struggle between two ethno-religious groups. This chapter is divided into three sections. The first section reveals that the story of Shivaji has been politicised through ages.

One notes how The founder of Hindu nationalism? One of these is the representation of Shivaji as a Hindu nationalist. Debates rage on the issue whether Shivaji should be represented as the champion of Hindu Nationalism or whether he should be seen as a secular or even an anti-Brahmin and by extension, anti-mainstream Hindu monarch.

The second section focuses on Captain Meadows Taylor and his novel Tara. A reading of Tara demonstrates that the author deviates from his compatriots in presenting a lofty portrait of Shivaji who was regarded by earlier British writers as an upstart rebel or a mere robber chief. The conclusion assesses the impact of this novel on later generations and tries to demonstrate why a return to this novel becomes necessary in our times.

The career of Chhatrapati Shivaji is too well-known in India to warrant retelling. It is not possible to do justice to it here. One may only say that his genius lies in the fact that from the heir of an insignificant landlord6 he rose to become an independent king. He laid the foundation of a mighty kingdom that would rise to power and prominence in the future and would become the paramount power in India for a time.

The next section focuses on some of the ways in which this great king has been represented by later writers. Many representations of Shivaji: Shivaji politicised In his struggle to carve out an independent kingdom for himself, Shivaji had to fight Bijapur and Delhi whose rulers were Muslims.

It is therefore hardly surprising that his wars against the Bijapur Sultanate and the Mughal Empire were generally represented as religious crusades. Shivaji, in this view, is presented as a Hindu leader fighting the Muslims to liberate the Hindus. While this might be a reductive understanding of the politics of that time as some contemporary writers like Pansare, Laine and Pillai argue Pansare , 70; Laine , 91—; Pillai , 32—33 , the fact remains that Shivaji and his contemporaries themselves presented the struggle somewhat in this light.

He advises us to reject this view. He had hundreds of Muslim soldiers in his army and navy. Nevertheless, Shivaji also did not shy away from using religious rhetoric, whenever it suited him, to further his goals. He did talk about a Hindu Padpatshahi.

He also coined the term Hindavi Swarajya in a letter to Dadaji Naras Prabhu Deshpande dated 16 May , though the exact connotation of the term8 as well as the authenticity of the letter have become subjects of debate Pagadi , 10—11; Laine , 83— His adoption of the saffron flag Bhagwa Dhwaj and his portrayal as the protector of cows and Brahmins by later Maratha writers9 —all have contributed to consolidating his image as a Hindu king opposing the Muslims.

Thus whatever his actual stance might have been, and he was definitely not a bigot, a certain religious overtone becomes inherent in the story of his struggle. The projection of Shivaji as a nationalist icon gained prominence with the rise of the Indian independence movement.

With the ideas of nation and independence gaining popularity, Shivaji was represented as a patriot who freed his nation from foreign rule. Ironically, it was the British colonisers who helped in the development of such an understanding of the monarch. However, Bal Gangadhar Tilak was the first to present the Maratha leader as an icon of Indian nationalism.

By organising the Shivaji festivals, Tilak brought back Shivaji into the limelight. Here, it must be recognised that Tilak tried to maintain a secular image of Shivaji, one that would find favour with the Hindus and the Muslims alike. He even expresses the hope that a future Muslim leader might manifest the patriotic spirit of Shivaji and lead the country Tilak , 48— From the presentation of Shivaji as a nationalist leader, it takes just a small leap of the imagination to portray him as a Hindu nationalist leader.

As we have already seen, Shivaji has been represented right from his own times as a Hindu patriot. Even Jotirao Phule, despite his idiosyncratic rendering of history, could not totally escape this. If a Dalit ideologue like Phule could not resist evoking the Hindu-Muslim binary while relating the tale of Shivaji, it hardly appears surprising that other writers from the so called higher caste backgrounds would stick to this vision.

A former anti-colonial revolutionary, Savarkar embraced Hindu nationalism on witnessing what he perceived as the excesses of the Khilafat movement — He thereby alienated the so-called lower caste intellectuals. The popular image of Shivaji as a Hindu nationalist leader also owes something to the writings of the early twentieth-century nationalist historians. These historians were trained in their craft by the British. It is natural that they would accept British periodisation of Indian history into distinct Hindu and Muslim periods.

Also, they could not entirely shake-off British categorisation of the Hindus and the Muslims as belonging to two mutually antagonistic camps. At the same time, their own nationalist aspirations made them seek and glorify those figures in history who could be presented as nationalist icons.

Here, the author clearly identifies Shivaji as a Hindu patriot. Such statements clearly showed that even Sir Jadunath envisioned Shivaji as a Hindu nationalist. Many other historians of that period like S. Sen, V. Rajwade and R. Majumdar also sought to present Shivaji as a national hero see Kulkarni , n. In his bibliography, he mentions works by M. Ranade, Sir Jadunath Sarkar and S. Sen among others, showing that his views on Shivaji were shaped by their estimation of him Kincaid , — While the representation of Shivaji as the founder and architect of Hindu nationalism remains popular even today, such a representation is also often contested by historians belonging to various rival schools of thought.

Some Indian historians like Setu Madhavrao Pagadi like to see him as a secular Marathi nationalist, rather than a Hindu nationalist. Then, there are those who find him challenging Hindu orthodoxy. Though he could not totally reject the Hindu-Muslim binary, he also did not present Shivaji as the champion of orthodox Hinduism.

Scholars sympathetic to Dalit ideology have followed Phule in presenting Shivaji as a sort of Dalit leader. In doing so, they have challenged the popular representation of Shivaji as the defender of orthodox Hinduism and the protector of cows and Brahmins. Rather, he fought them as they exploited the common tillers of the soil.

Pansare, thus, follows Phule in presenting Shivaji as a leader of the underprivileged. There have also been attempts to present Shivaji as a secular king whose struggles were as much governed by territorial ambitions as by lofty ideals. Manu S. However, views such as these are rare.

The general trend is to envision Shivaji as a ruler who fought for some lofty ideals, whatever these might have been. Our brief survey of some of the ways of representing Shivaji thus amply demonstrates that the seventeenth century Maratha ruler continues to generate a raging debate even in our times. Instead, the following section focuses on the representation of Shivaji in a now-forgotten colonial novel written by a nineteenth century expatriate British novelist.

While this is interesting in itself, the present study is not conducted with the desire to re-establish the novel in the canon. Taylor certainly predates the Hindu nationalists and the so called Hindu right-wing groups in presenting Shivaji as a champion of Hindu religion and the founder of a Hindu nation.

The study also seeks to challenge the dominant view that the British colonisers never considered Shivaji as anything but a brigand chief. It thus stresses the need to re-examine colonial representations of Shivaji in order to arrive at a more unbiased understanding of the matter. British representation of the Maratha ruler has always been ambivalent. Shivaji generally avoided direct confrontation with the British and even somewhat humoured them. But he also plundered the English factory at Rajpur in and sacked the trading centre at Hubli in The British East India Company always claimed indemnity for its loses at Rajpur and Hubli, but failed to get any substantial compensation from him.

Hence, early British representations of the monarch varied, depending on the changing political circumstances. The first genuine attempt to write a history of the Marathas in English was made by James Grant Duff — He composed History of the Mahrattas in three volumes in A significant portion of the first volume is dedicated to Shivaji.

One needs to remember that he was writing just a few years after the conclusion of the third Anglo-Maratha War in In that decisive war, Maratha power was utterly crushed and the office of the Peshwa was abolished by the British. To further weaken Maratha unity, the British decided to restore the descendants of Shivaji to power who had earlier been powerless figureheads under the Peshwas. Satara became a princely state in that period.

The British at that period were concerned with drawing the loyalty of the Marathas away from the Peshwas. This, as Malavika Vartak points out, made colonial authors like Duff glorify Shivaji at the expense of the Peshwas. Duff contrasts the rule of Shivaji with that of the Peshwas, which he represents as a dark period of the Maratha history. At the same time, he could not overcome the common racial and religious prejudices of the British colonisers. This made him criticise Shivaji on several grounds.

But he falls short of recognising him as a national leader. Rather, he saw him as a brigand whose wars were actuated by self-interests Duff , especially, — It remained for Taylor to glorify Shivaji as the founder of a Hindu nation. Philip Meadows Taylor, the eldest son of an impoverished businessman, came to India in to try his fortune.

This means that though Taylor ostensibly served the Nizam, his real master was the British government in India. He The founder of Hindu nationalism? This may appear inconceivable to us, as the line between the civil and the military service is tightly drawn in our age. But in nineteenth-century Hyderabad, such strict demarcation of services was not always in force.

From circa to , Taylor worked as a civil administrator. Initially, he was appointed at first as the Superintendent of Bazars at Bolarum, a military station near Hyderabad. Then the Assistant Superintendent of Police in the South West district offered to exchange duties with him, a proposal that Taylor accepted with gladness.

A breakthrough occurred in when he was sent to the native state of Shorapoor now in Karnataka as a British agent. Shorapoor was a semi-independent native state which was recognised as a Samsthana or a vassal state of Hyderabad. Taylor and all the European officers who were employed directly by the Resident were pensioned off Taylor , However, recognising his merits as an administrator, the British government reemployed him as a Deputy Commissioner of the districts newly ceded by the Nizam to the British.

Prolonged illness finally forced him to resign from service. Thereafter, Taylor settled in Dublin and devoted himself to writing. He breathed his last while returning to Ireland from a final visit to India in Recognising this early, he taught himself Marathi. Marathi was also the language used by the British to communicate with the Shorapoor government.

It is safe to conjecture that Taylor was reasonably fluent in that language, because we find him translating Marathi despatches into English. This shows that he had heard about Shivaji from the Marathas themselves. However, it is to be noted that for his novel he did not acknowledge any Maratha source.

This incident is often considered as the turning point in his career. His cousin Henry Reeve, who reviewed the novel for the Edinburgh Review, observes: The outbreak of the Mahrattas in the seventeenth century destroyed what was then the existing civilization of India; and the period which elapsed from the decline of the Empire of Aurungzebe sic to the rise of the British power, is the darkest era [sic] in the modern annals of Hindostan [sic].

Reeve , To readers like Reeve, Shivaji thus appeared as the harbinger of regressive forces. Something in the novel must have suggested such a reading. Yet, Taylor was also unusually sympathetic to Shivaji for a British coloniser of his times. While he takes pains to present an idealised picture of Afzal Khan, he does not overtly criticise Shivaji. Instead, he finds him admirable on many grounds.

It is to be noted that Shivaji is in no way portrayed as a villain in this novel. Rather, it is his chief advisor Moro Trimbak Pingle Moro Trimmul in the novel who is made to take on the role of the villain. He was at first appointed as the commander of the Purandar fort.

Shivaji also commissioned him to erect the famous Pratapgad fort,24 which was completed in In , Shivaji appointed him as his prime minister or Peshwa, after removing the former Peshwa Shyamraj Nilkanth from that post. He also led the Maratha army in several important battles like the battles at Trimbakeshwar fort and Wani-Dindori.

Grant Duff reports that Shivaji trusted him so much that he invested him with the full authority to manage the state during his absence when Shivaji went to Delhi to present himself before Aurangzeb Duff , While Shivaji was fleeing his Mughal pursuers, he entrusted his son and heir Sambhaji to the care of a Brahmin family distantly related to Pingle.

Pingle survived Shivaji and served his son Sambhaji. However, he incurred the displeasure of the mercurial Sambhaji who kept him incarcerated for some time. He was later released and reinstated in his former office, but died soon after Duff , — However, in our time his fame has been eclipsed by those of his contemporaries like Tanaji Malusare, Netaji Palkar and Baji Prabhu Deshpande who are remembered as military heroes.

His Moro Trimmul is not the Peshwa but a mere agent and spy of Shivaji who develops an infatuation for the Brahmin widow Tara. Taylor is known for following the technique of Sir Walter Scott in his historical romances. As James C. The eponymous heroine of the novel is a young virgin widow.

Moro Trimmul, who roams the country to spread dissension, develops an obsession for her. Fazil accompanies his father in this expedition. It is wrongly assumed that her family perished in the raid. Having nowhere to go, she follows Afzool Khan and his family who treat her with courtesy and respect.

Despite their religious differences, Fazil and Tara quickly fall in love. Unfortunately, events interfere with their developing romance. Afzool Khan is murdered by Shivaji, and his army is dispersed. Tara once again finds herself at the mercy of Moro Trimmul.

But before she could be immolated, Fazil rescues her. In this novel, Shivaji has been assigned a minor role. III, But even within this limited canvas, Taylor presents a convincing portrait of Shivaji. Being sagacious, he realises that a union with a Brahmin girl like Radha would outrage and antagonise the Brahmins. Taylor also shows that Shivaji was not an unscrupulous murderer. It takes all the persuasive skills of Jija Bai Jeejee Bye in the novel to finally convince him.

He possesses several admirable qualities. The following observation of David Finkelstein appears particularly significant in this regard: Taylor does not cast him as a villain, except in an indirect way: it is not so much Sivaji sic as his followers Moro Trimmul and Tannajee Maloosray sic who are the evil characters in the work.

Taylor entertains respect and some fascination for Sivaji. Our reading shows that this was not exactly the case. An early reviewer of the novel draws our attention to this: His steady and life-long pursuit of a single object and that an object which will always command sympathy has alone redeemed his character from common-place, given it a handle, so to speak, for the imaginative and poetic English mind of Captain Taylor to seize.

He finds the former to be more noble and humane. Taylor , 33 The earlier cited statement clearly reveals that the author viewed him as a patriot fighting for his countrymen. This is a deviation from the early colonial practice of re presenting Shivaji as a brigand chief. He portrays him as a nationalist seeking the liberation of the Hindus.

Here, one needs to understand that like the average Englishmen of his times, Taylor believed that the Hindus and the Muslims belonged to two rival and mutually antagonistic faiths. Conflating the ideas of nation and religion, he forgets that large sections of Muslims in India have descended from Hindu converts. In doing so, he presents a somewhat biased picture of Shivaji. Sarada justly complains that Taylor distorts the character of Shivaji and portrays him as a religious fanatic Sarada , We have already noted that the historical Shivaji never displayed any animosity against Islam.

In Tara, however, he is shown to nurture a deep rooted hatred for the Muslims. But even more than Shivaji, it is his mother Jija Bai who is shown to be hostile towards the Muslims. By opposing the Muslim rulers, Shivaji fulfilled the aspirations of the Hindu people. His Shivaji is thus not driven by mere greed or self-interest.

Rather, Taylor presents him as a patriot who fought to liberate his religion and nation. We have noted that British writers before him had presented Shivaji as an unscrupulous adventurer and a brigand. Taylor, however, portrays him as a patriot who fought for the liberation of his countrymen and co-religionists. Interestingly, as a Christian coloniser, Taylor feared and disliked Hindu nationalism. In his letters written during the Sepoy Mutiny of , he equates Hinduism with savagery. He writes: Civilisation is pressing hard on Hindooism sic , perhaps also on Mohammedanism sic ; I do not say Christianity, for that as yet is far off; but that amount of civilisation which has proved progression of knowledge to be incompatible with Hindooism, and to be sapping its very existence.

Taylor , Such strong sentiments appear natural for a man in his standing. Taylor interpreted the Sepoy Mutiny as a religious war, where the Hindu and the Muslim Sepoys represented their respective religions and fought for these. As this war was fought against the British Christians, Taylor cannot be blamed for attacking Hindu and Muslim nationalism.

Given this fact, his regard for Shivaji, whom he himself represents as a Hindu nationalist, appears strange. Two possibilities suggest themselves. He may have internalised their reverence for their national hero which he unconsciously reproduced in his own works. This may have been all the more probable if he really had a Maratha woman as his mistress.

The other possibility is that, like Duff, he praises Shivaji to demean the Peshwas. After the defeat of the Sepoys, Nana Saheb disappeared. His ultimate fate was never known. But it was feared for a time that he may return to cause further troubles. Taylor might be suggesting in effect that Shivaji was better than the Peshwas who were the actual villains. Nevertheless, his Mutiny letter blames only the Brahmins among the Hindus for igniting the rebellion.

He believed that as priests the Brahmins formed the main bulwark of the Hindu faith and their discomfiture was essential for the triumph of Christianity in India Taylor , — Incidentally, this judgment seems to resonate well with the views of some modern caste groups. As the leader of the Marathas, Shivaji is represented as a Hindu nationalist.

It remains to be seen whether the novel had any effect on representations of Shivaji in subsequent writings. Conclusion The novel Tara, despite being popular in its own age, has now passed into oblivion. One nineteenth-century reviewer of the novel complained that Taylor was excessively lenient to the Maratha leader. However, if the novel failed to have any direct impact on British perception at the time of its first publication, it is possible that it indirectly helped in enlisting British sympathy for Shivaji over the passage of time.

One needs to remember that even before Tilak, it was the British who drew attention to the need for preserving the monuments of Shivaji see Vartak , — There was a significant change in British attitude towards Shivaji in the twentieth century, which may have partly owed its origin to the writings of Taylor. It is difficult to prove that Kincaid was influenced by Taylor as he does not name him as one of his sources in his bibliography.

It is quite probable that he had read Tara. He may not have mentioned it as his source, as it is a novel and not a serious historical work. As shown in the first section, Shivaji continues to generate debates which often turn violent. The need of the day is to arrive at a balanced view, which is necessary to counter political extremism. By showing that it was a colonial writer who first represented Shivaji as a Hindu nationalist, this chapter not only problematised the right-wing claim to originality but also questions the standpoint of their opponents who try to provide a counter-narrative.

It shows that the understanding of Shivaji as a patriot was originally a colonial construction. While this does not imply that this understanding of Shivaji is essentially incorrect, it is necessary to recognise that this is not simply objective truth but also construction. One needs to acknowledge that other representations of Shivaji are also possible. It is this necessity of avoiding essentialism that this chapter has advocated.

Notes 1. James Laine, professor of religious studies at Macalister College in the U. A controversial sentence in this book irked many devotees of Shivaji in Maharashtra. On 5 January , a crowd, allegedly affiliated to a local party called Sambhaji Brigade, attacked the reputed Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in Pune and reportedly destroyed 18, books and 30, rare manuscripts. The institute was attacked on the ground that Laine conducted his researches here.

Criminal proceeding was also initiated against him, only to be quashed by the Supreme Court of India see Date , — Legendary Bollywood actor Mr. The episode was aired on 7 November One recalls the approach of Govind Pansare and James Laine. A detailed account of the debate can be found in David N. Jaffrelot argues that Hindu nationalism developed in response to Gandhian concept of Indian nation Jaffrelot , 4. However, this is open to contestation. Jaffrelot himself acknowledges that Hindu nationalism had its roots in the nineteenth century Jaffrelot , 3.

Most histories consider him insignificant. However, Setu Pagadi and A. I cannot agree in full to Deshpande as the Marathi bakhars on Shivaji also present his struggles against the Muslim rulers in religious terms. He, however, is right in pointing out that Shivaji never expressed animosity against Islam as a religion. Scholars interpret the term according to their ideological standpoints.

It was published in Though primarily directed against the British, the Hindus became targets in a wave of riots during the early s. It is to be kept in mind that Savarkar was not talking simply about the Hindu religion and that his notion of Hindutva Hinduness is not the same as Hinduism. He famously declared himself an atheist. It was thus not simple religious nationalism but ethno-religious nationalism that he espoused see Jaffrelot , 85— But he also argued that Shivaji did not enjoy the necessary peace to build a stable political edifice Sarkar , Originally published in Marathi as Shivaji Kon Hota?

Shorapoor was a tributary of both the British and the Nizam. He was seen as the fittest person to represent both the Company and the Nizam to the Shorapoor government. The Nizam was forced to cede the territories of Berar, Raichore and Osmanabad to the British in return of the liquidation of his debts, incurred for the maintenance of the costly army Chakraborty , Understandably, Taylor was much aggrieved when his ward joined the Mutiny.

One instance of this can be found in The Story of My Life where Taylor translates for his readers the Address presented to him in Marathi by the people of Shorapoor when he left them in Taylor , In a note, Mansukhani mentions that he was informed by Mr. Proof in support of this allegation is yet to be unearthed. These are the powadas. The Battle of Pratapgad, in which Shivaji killed Afzal Khan and routed his entire army, was fought below the ramparts of this fort.

Was Taylor being consciously ironical? It is to be noted that these are mere speculations and no concrete proof in support of these allegations have been discovered. In fact, it is Anunda who persuades him to marry Radha. Historically, Moro Trimbak Pingle outlived Shivaji. Taylor imagines his death here, probably to bring in poetic justice. Taylor does darkly hint that Shivaji might have shown less restraint if Radha had been married or widowed Taylor , He thereby accuses him of sexual misconduct, which nobody else ever complained.

The notable fact is that Shivaji overcomes the temptation, unlike Trimmul whose passion destroys him. Taylor does show that one may rise over religious binaries to forge enduring relationship with the religious other. But these are individual instances which fail to affect the society at large. He himself claimed to have descended from the Rajputs of Udaipur.

He thereby claimed a kshatriya status for himself. But even in his times, many Brahmins refused him that status. Descendants of Shivaji were also branded as lower castes by Brahmins. Today, most Dalit ideologues claim that he was from the underprivileged. For details one should consult Pansare among others. References Anderson, Benedict. London: Verso. Bruce, Henry. London: Oxford University Press. Chakraborty, Ayusman. Chaudhuri, Nani Gopal.

British Relations with Hyderabad — Calcutta: University of Calcutta. Date, Vidyadhar. History of the Mahrattas. Bombay: Published at the Times of India Office. Finkelstein, David. The Agrarian System of Mughal India — India Today Web Desk. Jaffrelot, Christophe. Hindu Nationalism: A Reader. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Kalive, Viswanatham. India in English Fiction. Waltair: Andhra University Press. Kincaid, Dennis. British Social Life in India, — Kulkarni, A. The Marathas. Pune: Diamond Publications.

Kindle edition. Laine, James W. Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India. Lorenzen, David N. Mansukhani, Gobind Singh. Bombay: New Book Co. Misra, Udayon. Delhi: B. Publishing Corporation. Pagadi, Setu Madhava Rao. New Delhi: Orient Longman Ltd. Pansare, Govind. Who was Shivaji? New Delhi: Left Word Books. Pastebin API tools faq. Login Sign up. Mar 15th, Not a member of Pastebin yet? Sign Up , it unlocks many cool features!

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